Mein Kampf Index - volume II

Adolf Hitler on the Political Meaning of 'Folkish'

By Carolyn Yeager

TWO YEARS AGO, I ran a series of excerpts from Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf, Vol. One, taken from Thomas Dalton's new 2017 German to English translation.

I'm now into Volume Two, and will do the same with it. I'll begin right at the beginning this time with Chapter 1, WORLDVIEW AND PARTY. But I'm going to START at subheading 1.4, page 25, “The Folkish Concept:


ALL KINDS OF PEOPLE, with all kinds of divergent opinions, are parading around under the 'folkish' banner. [...] The word 'folkish' doesn't express any clearly specified idea. It may be interpreted in several ways, and in practice it's just as vague as the word 'religious,' for instance. [...] The word 'religious' acquires a precise meaning only when it's associated with a distinct and definite form through which the concept is put into practice.

1.6, page 31-33: “Marxism versus Race and Personality”

If we try to penetrate to the inner meaning of the word 'folkish,' we arrive at the following conclusions: The current political conception of the world is that the State, though it possesses a creative, culture-creating force, has nothing to do with racial considerations.The State is considered rather as something resulting from economic necessity, or at best, the natural outcome of political forces. Such a conception, together with all its logical consequences, is not only mistaken about basic racial forces, but it also underestimates the individual. A denial of racial differences with respect to their culture-creating powers must also extend the same error to the valuation of the individual. The assumption of racial equality becomes the basis for a similar way of viewing nations and individuals. And international Marxism is nothing but the application, by the Jew Karl Marx, of a pre-existing worldview to a definite profession of political faith. Without the foundation of this widely-diffused infection, the amazing success of this doctrine would have been impossible. In reality, Karl Marx was the one among millions who, in a slowly decomposing world, used his keen insight to detect the essential poisons; he then extracted and concentrated them, with the skill of a wizard, into a solution that would bring about the rapid destruction of the independent nations of this Earth. And all this was done in the service of his race.

[…] For this reason alone, it's out of the question, and even ridiculous, to think that our so-called bourgeois world can offer any effective resistance. [...] In opposition to this, the folkish worldview recognizes that basic racial elements are of the greatest significance for mankind. […] It serves the truth of the aristocratic principle underlying all Nature's operations and it believes that this law is valid down to the last individual. [...]

In this world, human culture and civilization are inseparably bound up with the presence of the Aryan. If he dies out or declines, then the dark shroud of a barbarian era will again envelop the Earth.

In the eyes of a folkish worldview, to undermine the existence of human culture by destroying it's carriers would be a deplorable crime. […] Hence the folkish worldview corresponds to the innermost will of Nature.

1.7, p 35-37: “Organization of a Party”

Therefore it's necessary to create an instrument by which the folkish worldview can fight, in the same way that the Marxist party organization clears the way for internationalism. […]

Such a party formulation is a pre-condition for the victory of the folkish worldview. […]

The internationalist ideology succeeded because it was organized as a political party; the opposing worldview failed because it lacked a unified body to defend it. [...]

The National Socialist German Workers' Party extracts the essential principles from the generally folkish conception of the world. On these principles it establishes a political doctrine … This doctrine makes possible the organization of great masses of people in a strictly integrated sense. And this organization is the main pre-condition for the victory of this worldview.

I think this is crystal-clear and doesn't need any further commentary. I will say I'm very glad to get this understanding of "folkish" from the Leader, which I'm not sure comes across as clearly in other, older translations.




Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on The State, part 1 - Germanization

CHAPTER TWO OF VOLUME TWO, THE STATE, is quite long so I will present my selected excerpts in several separate installments--as many as it takes. It begins with a description of different conceptions of the State, followed by comments on the policy of so-called  “Germanization.”

(See here for series introduction)


GENERALLY SPEAKING, one can distinguish three different conceptions [of the State].

(1) Those who hold that the State is a more-or-less voluntary group of men under a ruling authority … those who worship legalized authority; the will of the people has no role whatsoever. This is the largest group.

(2) The second group ... includes those who desire a uniform system of governemt, but also a uniform language—though solely for technical reasons of administration. State authority … must also promote the good of its subjects … it's primary duty is to ensure the economic well-being of the individual citizens. The chief representatives are to be found among the average German bourgeoisie, especially our liberal democrats.

(3) The smallest group sees the State as … a people who are ethnically homogenous and speak the same language … they think-basically falsely-that it would enable them to carry out a process of nationalization in a definite direction.

During the last century it was regrettable to witness how these circles played with the word 'Germanization' … They didn't understand that Germanization can only be based on soil and not on mere people. What they mostly meant by this word was simply the forced acceptance of the German language.

But it's an almost inconceivable mental error to think that a Negro or a Chinese will become a German because he has learned the German language and is willing to speak it in the future, or even that he will vote for a German political party. […]

That which make a people, or better, a race, is not language but blood. Therefore it would only be justifiable to speak of Germanization if that process could change the blood of the subjected people. [...]

Today we must consider it fortunate that a Germanization of Austria, according to the plan of Joseph II [to make German the official language throughout the Habsburg empire -cy], did not succeed. … For the (survival of the) German nation, it was better that this process of intermixture did not take place. […]

A Polish policy, involving a Germanization of the East, was demanded by many and was unfortunately based on the same false reasoning … [that it] could occur by a purely linguistic union. The result would have been catastrophic: A foreign people expressing their foreign thoughts in the German language. […]

A terrible damage is indirectly done to Germanism today when, due to the ignorance of many Americans, the German-babbling Jews are classified as Germans when they set foot on American soil! […]

That which has been beneficially Germanized in the course of history is the land that our ancestors conquered with the sword and settled with German farmers. To the extent that they introduced foreign blood into our national body in this process, they aided that catastrophic splintering of our inner being, resulting in our German hyper-individualism—something which is unfortunately frequently praised.


We can sum things up as follows: All these views have the common feature that they don't recognize that the capacity for creating cultural values is essentially based on a racial element. They therefore fail to acknowledge that the highest purpose of the State is to preserve and improve the race; this is the indispensable condition of all human cultural development.

To be continued ...




Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on The State, part 2 – Nature and Purpose

THIS POST CONTAINS EXCERPTS FROM CHAPTER TWO OF VOLUME TWO of Thomas Dalton's translation of Mein Kampf, pages 47-69, presenting the essence of Hitler's rationale for his belief that preserving the original racial “purity” of the folk as much as humanly possible was vitally necessary to preserve the “culture-creating” element in Aryan civilization. Let's keep in mind that this was written in 1924-25 when Hitler was 35 years old and serving a prison term of 5 years. He did not know whether his now-outlawed movement would survive, or that he would be released after 8 months for good behavior. (See here for series introduction.)


2.3 - It's the first obligation of any new movement based on a folkish worldview to put forth a clear and logical doctrine of the nature and purpose of the State.

The fundamental principle is that the State is not an end in itself, but the means to an end. It's the pre-condition of a higher form of human civilization, but it's not the cause. This cause is found exclusively in the existence of a culture-creating race. … if the Aryan culture-bearer died out, no culture would exist that corresponds to the spiritual level of the highest peoples today. […]

The State per se may well exist unchanged for hundreds of years, though the cultural faculties and the general life of the people—which is shaped by these faculties—may have suffered profound changes because the State didn't prevent a racial mixture from taking place. … Thus the indispensable precondition for the existence of a superior humanity is not the State but the nation, which alone possess the essential ability.

It's therefore outrageously unjust to speak of the pre-Christian Germans as 'cultureless,' as barbarians. They never have been that. But the severity of the prevailing climate of their northern homeland hampered development of their creative faculties. If they had come to the fairer climate of the south without any culture whatsoever, and if they had acquired the necessary tools from inferior nations, then the dormant cultural faculty would have blossomed radiantly—as happened in the case of the Greeks, for example. The Laplander would not have become creators of a culture if they were transplanted to the south, nor would the Eskimo. No, this glorious creative faculty was only bestowed on the Aryan; it becomes active or lies dormant depending on whether there are favorable circumstances or whether adverse Nature prevents it.

2.4 - We National Socialists, who are fighting for a new worldview, must never base our stand on the famous 'accepted facts'—and false ones at that. If we did, we would never be the protagonists of a new and great idea, but rather would become slaves of the present lie. We must make a clear-cut distinction between the State as a vessel and race as its contents. … What they want to impose upon us as a State today is usually nothing but a monstrosity—the product of a profound human error that brings with it untold suffering. [His use of “slaves” here sheds light on his later description in Table Talk of the Russian peasant as a “born slave.” He meant they were not creators of new ideas, but acceptors of the status quo. -cy]

2.5 – On these principles, we National Socialists base our standards for evaluating a State. ... A State may be considered as exemplary if it adequately serves not only the vital needs of the nationality it represents but if it actually ensures the preservation of this same nationality by its very existence—no matter the general cultural significance of this state formation in the eyes of the rest of the world. … [A] state may be called bad if, despite a high cultural level, it undermines the racial composition of the bearers of that culture.

2.6 – [W]e must first clearly understand which kind of people [the German State] should contain and what purpose it should serve. …The blood-poisoning of our national body, especially since the Thirty Years' War, has degraded not only our blood but also our soul. ...[T]he various racial elements continue to exist side by side, with the result that—especially in times of crisis, when the herd usually sticks together—the Germans disperse in all directions. … Aside the Nordic type we find the East European; aside the Easterners there is the Dinaric; the Westerner intermingles with both—with cross-breeds among them all.


Even today our nation still suffers from this lack of inner unity; but the cause of our past and present misfortunes may turn out to be a future blessing for us … it was fortunate that at least a part of our best blood was thus kept pure and escaped racial degeneration. A complete assimilation of all our racial elements would certainly have brought about a homogeneous national organism; but, as has been proven in every case of racial mixture, it would have been less capable of creating a civilization than the highest of its original elements (he means the Nordic -cy).

2.7 - As a State, the German Reich must include all Germans. Its task is not only to assemble and preserve our most valuable racial elements, but to lead them slowly and surely to a dominant position.

2.8 – Thus a condition of stagnation is replaced by a period of struggle. And here, as in every other sphere, the proverb holds good that 'he who rests—rusts.' Furthermore, victory always lies with he who attacks. … For the weakminded, the State and its authority is nothing but an end in itself; while for us, it's only an effective weapon in the service of the great and eternal struggle for existence. […]

Against us is the endless army of those who are lazy-minded and indifferent rather than evil, as well as those whose self-interest lead them to uphold the present situation.

2.9 – Nature generally takes certain corrective measures with respect to racial purity. … The products of cross-beeding suffer bitterly, especially the third, fourth, and fifth generations. … their lack of blood-unity also means a lack of unified will-power and vigorous vital energies. At all critical moments … the racially-mixed person becomes confused and takes half-measures. […] For instance, if an individual member of a race were to mix with someone of a lower race, the first result would be a lowering of the racial level, and furthermore the descendants of this cross-breeding would be weaker than those who remained racially unmixed. [Example of lower resistance: in the U.S. all non-white persons demonstrate less natural resistance to the Covid-19 virus across the board, yet it is blamed on “racism,” for political reasons, rather than differences (inequalities) inherent among the races. -cy]

[In] the course of thousands of years … a new people would be developed that possessed a certain herd resistance, but its intellectual and cultural significance would be markedly inferor to that of the first cross-breeds. [The Greeks are an example -cy] … The herd solidarity of this new national body, even though developed over thousands of years, would still be no match in the struggle with an equally unified, but spirtually and culturally superior race. [...]

Among those people with a strong racial instinct … [when] this compulsion [to mix] ceases …Then the mongrels will recede quite naturally into the background, and that part of the race that has remained intact will tend to mate with its own kind, thus halting further mixture. […]

[I]t's the task of the Germanic states in particular to bring a halt to this bastardization.

Our contemporary generation of weaklings will naturally decry such a policy, and whine and complain about it as an assault on the most sacred of human rights. No, there's only one right that is sacrosanct: that the purity of the blood should be preserved, thus preserving the best types of human beings and rendering possible a nobler development of humanity itself.

We can easily see this decline due to race-mixing playing out today in American and European cities. The evidence is growing daily that proves Adolf Hitler right.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on The State, part 3 – Racial Hygiene and Physical Education

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER TWO OF VOLUME TWO, pages 69-87 of the dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)


2.10 - A folkish State should begin by raising marriage above the level of being a constant scandal to the race. […] In our present state of law and order, this brave, bourgeois-national world looks upon it as a crime to make procreation impossible for those who suffer with syphilis, tuberculosis, hereditary diseases, and also cripples and cretins. But the actual prevention of procreation among millions of our very best people is not considered an evil, nor does it offend against the noble morality of this social class, but rather encourages their short-sighted laziness.


The fact that the churches join in committing this sin against the image of God, even though they continue to emphasize the dignity of that image, is quite consistent with their present activities.They talk about the Spirit, but they allow man, as the embodiment of the Spirit, to become a degenerate proletarian.Then they are amazed at how little influence the Christian faith has in their own country, and at the depraved 'ungodliness' of this physically and therefore morally degenerate riff-raff. Then they try to make up for it by converting the Hottentots and the Zulu Kaffirs, and to grant them the blessings of the Church.


The folkish State will have to make up for everyone else's neglect in this area. It must put race at the center of all life. It must ensure its purity. It must declare that children are a people's most valuable treasure. It must see to it that only those who are healthy shall beget children. There is only one disgrace: for ill or defective parents to bring children into the world; and one highest honor: to refrain from doing so. … [The State] must ensure that the normally fertile woman is not restricted by the financial irresponsibility of a political regime that sees the blessing of children as a curse to their parents. The State will have to abolish the indifference by which it handles the problem of social amenities for large families, and will have to be the supreme protector of this greatest blessing of a people.


If only for a period of 600 years, those individuals who are physically degenerate or mentally ill were to be prevented from procreating, humanity would not only be freed from an immense misfortune but also restored to such a condition as we at present can hardly imagine.


The folkish worldview must finally succeed in bringing about a nobler era in which men will no longer pay exclusive attention to breeding dogs, horses, and cats, but will improve the breed of the human race itself. It will be an era in which one class knowingly and silently renounces, while the other joyfully sacrifices and gives. That such a thing is possible cannot be denied in a world where hundreds and thousands voluntarily accept the principle of celibacy, without being obliged or bound to do so by anything except religious injunction.


Naturally, our wretched army of contemporary bourgeois won't understand this. They will ridicule the idea, or shrug their shoulders and groan out their eternal excuses: “Of course it's a fine thing, but it can't be done!” … [I]f a generation suffers from defects that it recognizes and admits, and is nevertheless quite pleased with itself—as the bourgeois world is today—and is satisfied with the cheap excuse that nothing can be done, then such a society is doomed.

Education Principles of the Folkish State

2.11 [E]ducation must initialy be directed towards the development of sound physical health; as a general rule, a strong and healthy mind is found only in a strong and healthy body. The fact that geniuses are sometimes not robust in health, or even sickly, is no proof against this. These cases are only exceptions that—as everywhere else—prove the rule. But if the mass of people is physically degenerate, it's rare for a great spirit to arise from such a swamp.

[I]t is character that has to be developed first of all, especially will-power and decisiveness, along with promoting a readiness to accept responsibility; technical schooling comes last. ... Physical training in the folkish State is therefore not a matter for the individual alone, nor is it a duty that rests primarily on the parents and only secondly or thirdly on the community, but rather it's necessary for the preservation of the people who are represented and protected by the State.


Today, even in the high school curriculum, only two short hours per week are reserved for gymnastics, and it's not even obligatory but left to the individual. This is a gross disproportion … Not a single day should go by in which the young pupil doesn't have one hour of physical training in the morning and one in the aftrernoon, and of every kind of sport and gymnastic.

There's one sport that should be particularly encouraged: boxing. … The fact that a young man learns how to fence and then to duel is considered quite natural and respectable, but boxing—that's brutal! Why? There's no other sport that demands such lightning-fast decisions or that gives the body a steely flexibility. […] If our entire intellectual upper-class had … learned to box, it would never have been possible for low-lifes, deserters, and other such riff-raff to carry through a German revolution. The success of this revolution wasn't due to the bold, courageous energy of the revolutionaries but to the lamentable cowardice and indecision of those who ruled the State at that time and were responsible for it.


The army offers the best example of the fact that the knowledge of one's physical ability develops a man's courage and militant spirit. … The excellent training that German soldiers received before the war imbued the members of the whole gigantic organism with a degree of confidence in their own superiority that even our enemies never thought possible.


Our German people, who today lie broken and walked-upon by the rest of the world, need the power that comes from self-confidence. But this self-confidence must be instilled into our children from their early years. … We must have no illusions: The collapse of our people was overwhelming, and the efforts to put an end to this misery must also be overwhelming. … Only by a superabundance of national will-power, a thirst for freedom, and the highest passion can we recover what has been lost.

To be continued ...


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on The State, part 4 - Needed changes in education

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER TWO OF VOLUME TWO, pages 89-117 of the dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)

2.12 Between School and Military Age

The folkish State will have to regard post-school physical training as a public duty, one equal to intellectual training; these should be conducted through public insititutions. … [C]onfident in his own strength and in the basis of that commonly-experienced espit de corp, [the youth] must become convinced that he belongs to a people who are invincible. [...]

The folkish State will also have to direct the education of girls, analogously to that of boys. Here again, special importance must be given to physical training, and only later to spiritual and intellectual values. The final goal of female education should always be that she will one day be a mother.

2.13 Training in Secrecy

[T]he essential traits of the individual character are already inherent. ...But apart from those with distinct characters, there are millions who are indefinte and vague. …[P]eople who show only a certain tendency toward criminal acts may become useful members of the community, if rightly trained; whereas, unstable characters may easily become bad elements if the education is bad.

How often during the war did we hear that our people were incapable of silence? … But let's ask this question: What did the German educational system do in pre-war times to teach individuals about secrecy? Wasn't it true that, in school, the little tattle-tale was preferred to his silent companions? … Has any attempt ever been made to teach that secrecy is a precious and manly virtue? No, for such matters are trifles in the eyes of our educators. But these trifles cost our State innumerable millions in legal fees, because 90 percent of all defamation lawsuits arise only from a lack of discretion. … Secret preparations for our national defense are rendered illusory because our people have never learned to stay silent, but rather they repeat everything they hear. In wartimes, such talkativeness may even cause the loss of battles …

Here again, we may rest assured that adults cannot do what they haven't practiced in youth. A teacher shouldn't try to discover boys' silly tricks by encouraging loathsome tattle-tales. Youth have their own State, and they face adults with a certain solidarity—this is quite natural. … A boy who snitches on his friend commits an act of treason, and displays a character that is, bluntly speaking, the equivalent of treason to one's country. Such a boy must never be called 'good' or 'upstanding,' but rather as one of undesirable character. [...]

Loyalty, self-sacrifice, and discretion are virtues that a great nation must possess, and their teaching is a more important matter than many other things now included in the curriculum.

2.14 Joy in Responsibility

It has been often lamented that, in November and December 1918, all authorities failed and that, from the monarch on down to the last divisional commander, no one had the strength to make a decision of his own responsibility. That terrible fact constitutes a grave rebuke to our educational system because what was then revealed on a colossal scale, at that moment of catastrophe, recurs on a smaller scale. It's the lack of will-power, and not the lack of arms, that renders us incapable of resistance today. This defect is found everywhere among our people and prevents decisive action wherever risks are found—as if any great deed did not involve risk. ...[A] German general found a formula for this spinelessness when he said: “I act only when I can count on a 51 percent chance of success.” In that 51 percent we find the very root of the German collapse: The man who demands from Fate a guarantee of success deliberately denies the significance of the heroic act. […]

Just as the folkish State must one day give its attention to developing will-power and decisiveness among the youth, so too must it inculcate in their hearts a joy in responsibility and the courage of avowal. Only if it recognizes the full importance of this necessity, will it succeed in building up a nation that will no longer be subject to those weaknesses that have contributed so disastrously to our present decline.

2.15 to 2.20 Necessary changes to Education

Technical training, which constitutes the chief work of our educational system today, can be taken over by the folkish State with only a few changes. These changes lie in three areas.

      (1) First of all, the youthful brain must generally not be burdened with subjects that are 95 percent useless and therefore forgotten. … [For example] the subject matter of our historical teaching must be curtailed. … History must be studied not merely with a view to knowing the past but as a guide for the future, and for the preservation of our own people … the average man is not a history professor. ...The man who wants to become a history professor can devote himself to the details later on. [...]

To sum up: The folkish State must restrict our system of general instruction in order to embrace only the essentials. Beyond this, it must make possible a more advanced, specialized teaching. … This shortening of the curriculum would free up many hours for development of the body, character, will-power, and decisiveness.

      (2) The second change in curriculum that the folkish State must make is: Though our materialistic age is turning ever more towards practical subjects, such as mathematics, physics, chemisty, etc … the nation's general education should always be directed toward ideals … founded on humanistic subjects, and offer only the foundation for further education in a specialized field. Otherwise, we would sacrifice those forces that are more important for the preservation of the nation than any technical knowledge. … [W]e must not omit the study of ancient history; Roman history along general lines is and will remain the best teacher, not only for today, but also for all times. […]

Since the German revolution and the death of the monarchy, the purpose of teaching history has been nothing more than merely acquiring knowledge. The State has no use for patriotic enthusiasm … Actually, this [Weimar] Republic has been allowed to exist only by its willingness and promise to pay reparations and to sign every territorial renunciation. The rest of the world finds it sympathetic; just as a weakling is always more pleasing to those who need him than a tough man. But the fact that the enemy likes this form of government is the most destuctive criticism … they could find no better instrument for enslaving our people.

      (3) Therefore, the third point to be considered in our educational system is the following: The folkish State must realize that science too can be a means of promoting national pride. … the whole history of civilization must be taught from this standpoint. An inventor must appear great not only as an inventor but also, and even more so, as a member of the nation. … Out of the abundance of great names in German history, the greatest must be selected and presented to the youth in such a way as to become pillars of an unshakable national spirit. […]

In order to ensure that this national feeling be sincere … one iron principle should be hammered into the heads of those capable of learning: The man who loves his people can prove it only by a readiness to sacrifice for it. There's no such thing as a national sentiment that is directed towards personal gain. And there's no nationalism that embraces only certain classes … One can be proud of one's people only if we are unashamed of every class. … Only when a nation is healthy in all its members, in body and soul, can a joy of belonging be properly raised to the level of national pride. … Our present-day fear of chauvinism is a sign of impotence. […]

This world is certainly facing a great revolution. The only question is whether it will be to the benefit of Aryan humanity or to the profit of the eternal Jew. [We know, mainly because of American interference, it was the Jew -cy]


The crowning task of the whole organization of education and training in the folkish State is to instill a racial instinct and a racial feeling into the hearts and brains of the youth entrusted to it. No boy or girl must leave school without attaining a clear insight into the necessity and essence of blood purity. This creates the groundwork for preserving the racial foundation of our nation, and it thereby secures the basis for future cultural development.

Finally, from a racial standpoint, this training also must find its culmination in military service … the final stage of the average Germans' normal training.

To be continued ...


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on The State, part 5 - Selecting talent over social class

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER TWO OF VOLUME TWO, pages 121-133 of the dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)

Note the importance Hitler puts on "selection" in the Folkish State. It brings to mind (or it can bring to some minds) the use of "selection" in the forced labor-work camps during the war years 1941-45. In these labor camps, detainees were often lined up and 'selections' were made for the most appropriate workers to be sent on particular day jobs. This was also the purpose of the selection process at the time of entering a camp for the first time: then selections were made between those who could work and those who couldn't to be put into different barracks, and also for what type of work skills each entering detainee had. Much distortion has been made in "holocaust" literature of this German policy of selecting the best man or woman for the job at hand, rather than haphazardly assigning people where they might be of little value. Interesting, I think.


2.21 State selection of the fittest

[A]nother educational task awaiting the folkish State – to select the most competent heads from the mass of the nation and promote them … to put talent on the proper track. It must open the doors of higher State education to talent of every sort, no matter from what social class it may come.


Our intellectual classes are so segregated and fossilized that they lack a living connection with those beneath them. … [They] neither understand nor sympathize with the broad masses. Secondly, the intellectual classes lack the necessary willpower. … God knows we Germans have never lacked in scientific education, but we've always been lacking in willpower and decisiveness.


If instead of a Bethmann-Hollweg [German Chancellor during WWI -cy] we had had a rugged man of the people as our leader, the heroic blood of the common soldier wouldn't have been shed in vain. …

Here the Catholic Church offers an instructive example. Clerical celibacy forces the Church to recruit its priests not from their own ranks but increasingly from the masses of the people. … It's the cause of the inexhaustible strength that characterizes that ancient institution  … by [doing] thus … the Church not only maintains an instinctive bond with them but also assures itself of a sum of energy and active force that only exists in the broad masses. Hence the surprising youthfulness of this gigantic organism, its spiritual flexibilility, and its iron willpower.

2.22 Evaluation of Work

The folkish state's task … is to sift out and carefully assess those persons who are endowed with natural talents, and employ them in community service. … This applies not only to official positions but also to the intellectual leadership of the nation in all fields. … If two nations of equal strength compete, that nation will come out victorious that has entrusted its total intellectual leadership to its best talents; and that nation will lose whose government represents only a common feeding trough for privileged groups or classes, without regard to the in-born talents of its individual members. ...

The objection will immediately be raised that it's too much to expect the son of a higher civil servant, for instance, to work with his hands simply because some child of working-class parents seems more capable of a civil service job. … [T]he folkish State will have to take up a fundamentally different attitude towards the concept of manual labor. … The individual must be valued, not by the class of work he does, but by the form and quality of his achievement. This statement may sound monstrous in an age when the most brainless columnist is more esteemed than the most expert mechanic, merely because he pushes a pen. But … this false evaluation doesn't correspond to the nature of things, but rather was artificially introduced, and … is based on the generally diseased phenomena of our materialistic age.

[…] Certainly, the material reality of an invention may be greater than the service of an everyday workman, but it's also certain that the community needs each of those small services just as much as the greater. … all workmen become equal the moment each strives to do his best – in his own field.

In a rational State, care must be taken that each individual is given the kind of work that corresponds to his capabilities. […] Material reward may be given to him whose work has a corresponding benefit to the community; but ideal reward must lie in the public esteem granted to all those who serve the people with the powers that nature gave them, and which were developed by the national community. … Then it will be obvious that men shouldn't be given tasks that they are incapable of doing.


The present age … introduces universal suffrage, and chatters about equal rights, but can find no basis for this. … Equality cannot and does not depend on the work a man does, but only on the manner in which each one fulfills his special obligations. Thus, mere accident of nature is set aside as determining a man's worth, and the individual alone becomes the creator of his own importance.


[T]his would be the concern of the National Socialist movement: to put aside petty bourgeoisie thinking, and to join together and coordinate all those popular forces ready to become the vanguard of a new worldview.

2.23 Ideal and Reality

Of course, the objection will be made that … the lower prestige attached to physical labor is shown by its lower wages. And that these lower wages are in turn the reason why the manual worker has less chance to participate in the national culture. […]

[T]hat's the very reason why we must see that, in the future, there shouldn't be such a wide difference in wages. … All the greatest inventions … discoveries … revolutionary scientific work … the most magnificent monuments of human culture were never given to the world under the drive for money.


We aren't so simple as to believe that there will ever be a perfect age. But that doesn't absolve us from the duty to combat recognized defects, to overcome weaknesses, and to strive for the ideal. … I would remind [those faint-hearted ones today], if they were ever soldiers, of the time when heroism was the most convincing proof of the power inherent in idealistic motives. It wasn't concern for their daily bread that led men to die, but love of fatherland, faith in its greatness, and an all-round feeling for national honor. Only after the German people became estranged from these ideals and followed the material promises of the Revolution … did they sink into the purgatory of universal contempt and universal want.

That's why we must confront the calculators of the present materialist republic with a faith in an ideal Reich.

End of Chapter 2


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on Subjects and Citizens in the National Socialist State

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER THREE OF VOLUME TWO, pages 135-141 of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)


TODAY [1925] THE RIGHT OF CITIZENSHIP is acquired primarily by being born within the borders of a State. Race or nationality plays no role whatsoever. A Negro who once lived in one of the German protectorates and now takes up residence in Germany, has a child that automatically becomes a 'German citizen' in the eyes of the world. Similarly, the child of any Jew, Pole, African, or Asian may automatically become a German citizen.

Apart from birthright citizenship, there is the possibility of later naturalization. […]

Racial matters play no part at all.

3.1 Citizens-Subjects-Foreigners

The whole process of acquiring citizenship isn't that different from being admitted into an automobile club, for instance. […]

In this way, every year, those organizations that we call States take in poisonous material that they can hardly ever overcome.

The citizen is only distinguished from the foreigner by the fact that he's open to all public offices, that he may eventually have to do military service, and that, in return, he's permitted to take a passive or active part in elections. Regarding personal rights and personal freedom, the foreigner enjoys the same amount of protection as the citizen, and frequently even more; anyway, that's how it happens in our present German [Weimar] Republic.


At present there is one state that's making at least some modest attempts at a better conception—the American union that attempts to at least partly conform to reason. By refusing immigration of those with bad health, and by excluding certain races from naturalization, the American union has begun to introduce principles that are particular to the folkish State.

The folkish State divides its inhabitants into three classes: citizens, subjects, and foreigners. [Being a] subject carries no right to fill any office … or take part in elections. … A subject is always free to cease being a subject. … The only difference between a foreigner and a subject is that the former is a citizen of another country.

3.2 The Citizen as Master of the Reich

The bestowal of a diploma of citizenship must coincide with a solemn oath of loyalty to the national community and the State. … This high honor also has its obligations. Those without personal honor or character, or common criminals, or traitors to the Fatherland, can be deprived of this right at any time … become once again merely a subject.

The German girl is a subject, and becomes a citizen only when she marries.* But those female German subjects who earn an independent livelihood can also become citizens.

[*I'm not sure if this actually became the law during 1933-45, since I can't find any mention of it. The fact that AH added that German females could become citizens without being married does take away from it's significance, and by the time 1935 rolled around, he may have dropped the whole subject. -cy]




Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on Personality and the Folkish State-Concept

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER FOUR OF VOLUME TWO, pages 143-161 of the dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)


THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST folkish State must adapt its own organization to meet it's principal task: to educate and preserve the bearers of the State … and train them for practical life.

It would be absurd to appraise a man's worth by his race, and make war against the Marxist principle that all men are equal, while being unwilling to draw the ultimate consequences … (that) the same applies to individual men within their national community. [O]ne head is not equal to another because, here too, the constituent elements of the same blood vary in a thousand subtle details, though they are equal in broad outline. [...]

This sifting according to capacity and ability cannot be effected mechanically, but rather is a task that can be accomplished only through the ongoing stuggle of daily life.

4.1 Building on an Aristocratic Principal

A worldview that rejects the democratic mass ideal and aims at giving this world to the best people … must also … ensure that positions of leadership and highest influence are given to the best minds. Hence, it's based not on the idea of the majority, but on that of personality.

Anyone who believes today that a folkish National Socialist State should distinguish itself from other states only mechanically, through the better construction of its economic life—thanks to a better balance between rich and poor, or by extending economic power to the broader masses, or by a fairer wage through elimination of large differences in pay—understands only the most superficial features of the matter, and hasn't the faintest idea of what we mean by our worldview. All these features just mentioned couldn't in the least guarantee us a lasting existence, and certainly would be no claim to greatness. A nation that could content itself with superficial reforms wouldn't have the slightest chance of success in the general struggle among nations.

4.2 Personality and Cultural Progress

It may be worthwhile to glance again at the real origins and causes of human cultural evolution.

The first step that visibly brought mankind away from the animal world was that of invention. Invention itself owes its origin to the ruses and stratagems that assist man in the life stuggle with other creatures, and that often provided him with the only means to success. … [I]n the case of man, his first skilled tactics in the struggle with other animals undoubtedly originated in individual and specially-capable subjects … [skills] which were later taken over by the whole of humanity as a matter of course.

Man complemented his first discovery by a second: He learned how to master other things and other living beings, and to make them serve him in his struggle for existence. Those material inventions—beginning with the use of stones as weapons, the domestication of animals, the production of fire by artificial means—show clearly that an individual was the creator. The nearer we come to our own time, and the more important and revolutionary the inventions, the more clearly we see this. […]

[A]ll such individuals, willfully or not, are benefactors of mankind, both great and small. Through their work, millions and indeed billions of human beings have received the means and resources to facilitate their life-struggle. The masses do not invent, nor does the majority organize or think—but always and in every case the individual man, the person.

A human community is well-organized only when it facilitates individual creative forces in a helpful way, and utilizes them for the community's benefit. ... The first and supreme duty of an organized folk community is to make the inventor useful to all. … Not only does the organization possess no right to prevent thinking individuals from rising above the masses but, on the contrary, it must use, enable and promote that ascension as far as possible.


Such minds are selected mainly, as already stated, through the harsh life-struggle. The idea of personality rules everywhere—in the realms of thought, in artistic creation, and even in economics. … It's only in political life that this very natural principle has been completely excluded. [I]n the administration of the national community … the principle of the value of the majority becomes decisive, and … allows all life to be gradually poisoned. … The destructive effects of the Jew's activity in other national bodies can be fundamentally ascribed to his persistent efforts at undermining the importance of personality among the host nations, and replacing it with the mass. The constructive principle of Aryan humanity is thus displaced by the destructive principle of the Jews. They become the 'ferment of decomposition' among nations and races and, in a broad sense, the dissolvers of human culture.

4.4 Marxism Negates the Value of Personality

In politics, this corresponds to the parliamentary form of government. We can observe its disastrous effects everywhere, from the smallest municipalities up to the highest leadership of the Reich … and in the trade union movement which doesn't serve the real interests of the employees but rather the destructive aims of international world Jewry.

Even if Marxism were a thousand-times capable of taking over the present economy and guiding its operation … it could never create something like that which it overtakes today. … Not only has it been unable anywhere to create a culture of its own, but it hasn't even been able to sustain existing ones. Rather, after a short time, it has had to make compromises and return to the principle of personality; even in its own organization, it can't dispense with it. […]

If the National Socialist movement failed to understand the fundamental importance of this essential principle [the value of race and thus personality] … then it would really do nothing more than compete with Marxism. For that reason, it wouldn't have the right to call itself a worldview.

4.4 The Best Form of State

The best constitution and form of State is that which naturally allows the best minds to reach positions of dominant importance and influence in the community.

… [A]ble men cannot be designated from above, but must struggle forward themselves … life itself is the school whereby the real lessons … are taught.

The principle that made the former Prussian army an admirable instrument of the German nation must become the basis of our state conception: authority of every leader directed downward and responsibility directed upward.

Even then we won't be able to do without those corporate bodies that today we call parliaments. But then they will really have to give counsel; responsibility, however, can and must be carried by one man, and therefore he alone will be vested with authority and the right to command. Parliaments per se are necessary because they alone furnish the opportunity for leaders to gradually arise who will be subsequently entrusted with positions of special responsibility. […]

This principle of combining absolute authority with absolute responsibility will gradually cause a selected group of leaders to emerge, such as is unthinkable in our present era of irresponsible parliamentarianism.

4.5 National Socialism and the Coming State

Regarding the possibility of putting these ideas into practice, I would like to recall the fact that the parliamentarian principle of democratic majority rule has not always dominated. On the contrary, it's found only during short periods of history, and always during the decline of nations and states.

One mustn't believe, however, that such a transformation could be effected by purely theoretical measures … Such a revolution can occur only by means of a movement that is itself organized under the spirit of these principles and thus bears the future State within itself.

Thus the National Socialist movement should familiarize itself completely with those principles today and actually put them into practice within its own organization, so that not only will it be in a position to serve as a guide for the future State, but it will have its own organization that can be placed at the disposal of the State itself.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on the Early Struggle: Significance of the Spoken Word

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER SIX OF VOLUME TWO, pages 185-215 of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)


[O]UR FIRST GREAT meeting [was] in the banquet hall of the Hofbräuhaus on 24 February 1920.

6.1 Fight against Poisonous Propaganda

There was a meeting every week, almost always in that hall, and each time it was fuller than before, and the people more attentive! […]

We gave greatest attention to the peace treaties … in those days, a public mass meeting … with the topic 'The Peace Treaty of Versailles' meant an attack on the Republic … one could expect an immediate and almost stereotyped reply: 'And Brest-Litovsk?' 'Brest Litovsk?'* … One wanted to pound one's head against a wall in despair over these people! They would neither listen nor understand that Versailles was a scandal and a disgrace, a dictate that marked an unprecedented thievery of our people. … the enemy's poisonous propaganda had robbed these people of their reason.

* TheTreaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918. It marked Russia's withdrawal from World War One, and was cast in very favorable terms for Germany.


I then saw clearly that the question of war guilt had to be cleared up for the small kernal of our movement—and cleared up in light of historical truth. … At the time, the masses viewed this peace as a success of democracy. Therefore we had to form a united front against it, and engrave ourselves into men's minds as an enemy of this treaty.

6.2 Against the Tide

The NSDAP shouldn't be the servant of public opinion, but rather must dominate it. … While the international world-Jew slowly but surely strangles us, our so-called patriots shout against a man and his system with the courage to free themselves from the shackles of Jewish Freemansonry … and to oppose nationalist resistance against this international world-poison. But weak characters were too tempted to sail with the wind and capitulate to the clamor of public opinion. … Thus it was necessary to grasp the movement with an iron hand, in order to save it from a path of ruin.

6.3 Politics of the Wide View

[…] I quickly learned something important, namely to snatch the enemy's weapons of reply from his own hands. One could soon see that our adversaries—especially the discussion leaders—were furnished with a definite 'repertoire' of arguments that were being constantly repeated. ... We were thus able to recogrnize the incredible discipline of the enemy's propaganda, and I'm proud to this day that I discovered a means, not only of making this propaganda ineffective, but of beating its makers with it. … It was necessary to mention all the possible objections and show their inconsistency; this made it easier to win over an honest listener by disposing of all the doubts that had been imprinted on his memory. That which he had learned was automatically refuted, and this made him all the more attentive to the speech.

6.4 Enlightenment about the Peace Treaties

I henceforth spoke of the 'Treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Versailles.' … people really knew nothing about the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and that clever party propaganda had succeeded in presenting it as one of the most scandalous acts of violence in the world. The persistent repetition of this lie to the broad masses caused millions of Germans to see the Treaty of Versailles as a just retribution for the crime that we had committed at Brest-Litovsk. … this was also the reason why the shameless and monstrous word 'reparations' came into common use in Germany. […] I compared the two treaties with one another, point by point, showing the immense hunanity of the one treaty and the unhuman barbarity of the other—and the result was striking. … A great lie had once again been torn from the hearts and minds of a crowd of thousands, and a truth implanted in its place.


Furthermore, these gatherings gave me the benefit of gradually transforming myself into a speaker at mass meetings, and I became skilled in the pathos and gesture demanded by large halls with thousands of people... at that time I found no party engaged in explaining things to the people in this way. […]

The leaflet was also put to use … The first meetings were distinguished by the tables covered with leaflets, newspapers, and pamphlets of every kind. But we relied mainly on the spoken word.

6.5 Speech More Effective than Writing


One must also realize that the mass in itself is mentally inert, that it remains attached to its old habits and isn't naturally inclined to read something that doesn't conform to its own beliefs, especially when it doesn't contain what they hoped for. Therefore, an essay … is for the most part read only by those who are sympathetic. Only a leaflet or poster, by its brevity, can hope to arouse a momentary interest in those who think differently. The visual image, in all its forms, has better prospects—including films.


Only through its capacity for adaptability does writing approach speech.


Not infrequently, it's a case of overcoming ingrained prejudices that are mostly unconscious and are supported by emotion rather than reason. … False ideas and ignorance may be removed by instruction. Emotional resistance, never. Only an appeal to these hidden forces themselves will be effective; and the writer can scarcely ever achieve this, but rather almost exclusively the speaker.

6.7 Psychological Conditions of Effective Speech

Success depends on imponderable conditions and influences … even the time of day at which the speech is delivered has a decisive influence on its results. ... [T]he performance's impression in the afternoon isn't nearly as great as in the evening. The same is true of motion pictures.


[W]e are dealing with the problem of influencing man's freedom of will. … The superior rhetorical art of a masterly preacher will succeed better in winning over to a new will those who have naturally been subject to a weakening of their forces of resistance.


The illiterate masses weren't aroused to Communist revolutionary enthusiasm by the theoretical writings of Karl Marx but rather by the promises of paradise made to the people by thousands of agitators in the service of an idea.

6.9 Necessity of Mass Meetings

Only in the rarest cases will a convinced Social Democrat or fanatical communist be induced to acquire an understanding of our world-conception ... by procuring and reading one of our pamphlets or even one of our books. […]

It's totally different with the 'spoken' leaflet! Especially if given for free … Perhaps the reader, after having perused such a leaflet more or less thoughtfully, will have new viewpoints and attitudes, even toward a new movement. But these, even in the best case, will only provide the slightest impulse, and nothing definitive. The leaflet … can become effective only by subsequently causing the reader to become more fundamentally informed and educated. This is, and will always be, the mass meeting.

Mass meetings are also necessary for the reason that the individual … acquires a picture of a great community; this has a strengthening and encouraging effect on most people.


The National Socialist movement should never forget this, and it should never allow itself to be influenced by these bourgeois simpletons … who have foolishly gambled away a great State—along with their own existence and the rule of their own class.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on Worldview and Organization of the Folkish State

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER FIVE OF VOLUME TWO, pages 163-183  of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)

Another highly enlightening chapter for me, even more so than the previous one. Read it thoughtfully. So glad to be able to bring these abbreviated versions to you. -cy


THE FOLKISH STATE ... WON'T BECOME A REALITY simply due to the fact that we know what's necessary for it. It's not enough to know how such a State should appear. … The existing parties … cannot be expected to bring about a change in the regime … because the leading elements are always Jews and yet more Jews. The present trend of development would, if allowed to go on unhampered, lead to the realization of the pan-Jewish prophecy—that the Jews will one day devour the other nations of the Earth and become their master.

In contrast to the millions of 'bourgeois' and 'proletarian' Germans—who are stumbling to their ruin, mostly through timidity and stupidity—the jew persistently pursues his way and keeps his mind fixed on his future goal. … his interests certainly have nothing in common with those of the Aryan nations. [...]

If we wish to transform our ideal picture of the folkish state into reality … the first objective isn't the creation of a folkish State-conception, but rather the elimination of the Jewish one.

That's why the fighter for a new idea is unfortunately, and despite his desire for positive work, compelled to wage a negative battle first—in order to abolish the existing state of affairs.

5.1 Struggle and Criticism

[A] young doctrine of great and essential importance must adopt the sharp probe of criticism as its weapon. … A worldview is intolerant and cannot exist as 'one party among many.' … It can never allow the previous condition to continue in existence.

Political parties are prone to compromises, but worldviews never. Political parties tend to reckon with their opponents, but worldviews proclaim their own infallibility.

5.2 Community as Basis for a New Worldview

In the beginning, political parties … almost always show a slight tendency to become worldviews. But the limited nature of their program robs them of the heroism that a worldview demands. The conciliatory nature of their will attracts those petty and weak-hearted people who aren't fit for any crusade. And so they soon become stuck in their miserable pettiness. They give up fighting for their worldview and, by way of so-called 'positive collaboration,' they try as quickly as possible to wedge themselves into some tiny place at the feeding trough, and to stay there as long as possible. That's their whole effort. […]

Any new worldview will bring its ideas to victory only if the most courageous and active element of its time and its people are formed together in a powerful fighting organization. … While the program of the solely political party is nothing but a recipe for favorable results in the next general election, a worldview's program represents a declaration of war against an existing order of things, against present conditions—in short, against the established world-conception.

5.3 Leadership and Following

By it's very nature, an organization can exist only if leaders of high intellectual ability are served by a large and emotionally-devoted mass. […]

The fact that only the so-called uneducated classes joined Marxism was the very basis on which this party achieved its success—something that was always greeted with head-shaking by our bourgeoisie. Because they mostly consisted of intellectuals, the bourgeois parties were only a feckless band of undisciplined individuals; whereas the Marxists, from non-intellectual human material, formed an army of party soldiers who obeyed their Jewish masters just as blindly as they formerly obeyed their German officers. [… ]

The decisive factor is the leadership itself. … This is the basic knowledge that we must always bear in mind when we examine the possibility of transforming a worldview into action.

5.4 Guiding Principles of the Movement

If the folkish idea, which is at present an obscure wish, is one day to attain a clear success, it must draw forth certain definite principles … which, of their essence and content are calculated to attract a broad mass of men. This mass can alone guarantee that the worldview will be fought for. [my emphasis -cy] This is the group of German workers.

Therefore, the new movement's program was condensed into a few guiding principles, 25 in all. They are meant … to give the ordinary man a rough sketch of the movement's goals. They are, so to say, a political faith that, on the one hand, is meant to win recruits for the movement and, on the other, to unite such recruits together in a commonly-recognized covenant.

Hence we must never lose sight of the following: What we call the movement's program [the 25 Points of the NSDAP -cy] is absolutely right in its ultimate aims, but … in the course of time, the opinion may well arise that certain principles should be expressed differently and might be better formulated. But any attempt at a different formulation usually has a disastrous effect. … As soon as a single point is removed from the sphere of dogmatic certainty, discussion won't simply result in a new, better, and more consistent formulation, but may easily lead to endless debates and general confusion. ...[W]hich is better: a new and more adequate formulation, though it may cause a controversy within the movement, or to retain the old formula that, though probably not the best, represents a solid, unshakeable, internally-unified organism.

All experience shows that the second alternative is preferable. … [G]iven that most people think superficially, there's a great danger that the merely external formulation of the program will be taken as essential to the movement. Then the will and power to fight for these ideas are weakened, and activities that ought to be directed outward are dissipated in internal programmatic squabbles.

The essentials of a teaching must never be sought in external formulas, but always in an inner meaning. And this is unchangeable; and in its interest, one can only wish that a movement should exclude everything that tends towards disintegration and uncertainty, in order to preserve the necessary force.

Here again we can learn from the Catholic Church. … It has rightly recognized that its powers of resistance would be weakened by introducing greater or lesser adaptations to meet the temporary conclusions of science, which in reality are always fluctuating. Thus it holds to its fixed dogmas, which alone can give to the whole system the character of a faith. […]

Therefore whoever really and seriously desires the victory of a folkish worldview must realize that this can be assured only through a militant movement, and that this movement must ground its strength only on the firmness of an impregnable and coherent program.[...]

In its 25-point program, the National Socialist German Workers' Party attained a foundation that must remain unshakable. … For most of our followers, the essence of the movement will consist not so much in the letter of our principles but in the meaning that we attribute to them.

5.5 National Socialism and the Folkish Idea

In order to carry the folkish ideal to victory, a popular party had to be founded—a party that didn't consist only of intellectual leaders but also of manual workers! …

Just as the fundamental principles of the National Socialist Movement are folkish, so folkish ideas are National Socialist. [… We have] not only the right but also the duty to sharply emphasize that any attempt to represent folkish ideas outside of the National Socialist German Worker's Party is impossible, and in most cases fraudulent. […] For what previously existed under this name was utterly incapable of influencing the destiny of our people, since all those ideas lacked a clear and coherent formulation. … Only the National Socialist Movement has accomplished this. … Only the work of the NSDAP gave [the folkish] ideas meaning, and only then was it adopted by all kinds of people.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on Conflict With the Red Front

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER SEVEN OF VOLUME TWO, pages 217 to 265 of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)

Compare then and now ...


IN 1919-1920, AND ALSO IN 1921, I attended some of the so-called bourgeois meetings. It invariably had the same effect on me as the compulsory dose of castor oil in my youth. It has to be taken because it's supposed to be good for you, but it tastes terrible! […]

7.1 Bourgeois 'Mass Meetings'

… At that time, I attended meetings of the Democrats, the German Nationalists, the German People's Party, and the Bavarian People's Party (the Bavarian Center). … Nearly always they were made up exclusively of party members. The whole thing was more like a yawning card game than an assembly of people who had just gone through a great revolution.

The speakers did all they could to maintain this peaceful mood. They spoke—or rather read out—their speeches in the style of an intellectual newspaper article or a learned treatise, avoiding all strong expressions. Here and there, they threw in a feeble professorial joke, whereupon the honorable ones felt themselves obliged to laugh; not loudly or provocatively, but encouragingly and with subdued reserve.

What a committee!

I once saw a meeting in Munich's Wagner Hall; it was a demonstration to celebrate the anniversary of the Battle of Nations at Leipzig. The speech was delivered or read by a venerable old professor from one of the universities. … it was more like a religious ceremony … After 45 minutes the audience fell into a sort of hypnotic trance … [The chairman] finally closed the meeting by asking everyone to sing the Deutschland song. … By the third verse my belief strengthened that most of those present weren't very familiar with the text. [...]

Thereupon the meeting broke up, and everyone hurried to get outside … into the fresh air.... [W]as this the way to honor a heroic struggle in which hundreds of thousands of Prussians and Germans had fought? To the devil with it all!

[…] The minister for law and order need not fear that enthusiasm might suddenly get the better of public decorum; that suddenly, in a frenzy, these people might pour out of the room and, instead of heading to beer halls and cafes, march in rows of four through the streets, singing Deutschland hoch in Ehren [O Germany in high esteem] and causing some unpleasantness to a police force in need of rest.

No, they are quite satisfied with that kind of citizen.

7.2 Despicable Red Posters

On the other hand, National Socialist meeting were by no means peaceful. Two distinct worldviews raged in bitter opposition to one another, and these meetings didn't close with the insipid rendering of a patriotic song but rather with a passionate outbreak of folkish national feeling.

It was imperative from the start to introduce rigid discipline into our meetings and establish the absolute authority of the committee. … Our speeches … [were] intended to arouse our opponnents! And there were opponents in our meetings! How often they came in masses, with a few individual agitators among them … with insturction to smash up everything once and for all and put an end to these meetings.

And they had every reason to be irritated.

Merely the red color of our posters drew them to our meeting halls. The ordinary bourgeoisie … regarded this as something deviously ambiguous. … another variety of Marxism, perhaps even Marxists, or better still, socialists in disguise. The actual difference between socialism and Marxism still remains a mystery to these people. The specter of Marxism was conclusively 'proven' when it was discovered that we … addressed each other as party comrade. How often we roared with laughter at these silly faint-hearted bourgeoisie and their efforts to figure out our origin, intentions, and aims.

We chose red for our posters after thorough and careful deliberation, our intention being to irritate the Left … to drive them to our meetings … so that we had a chance to talk to the people.

7.3 Vacillating Tactics of the Marxists

… First they appealed to their followers to ignore us and keep away from our meetings. …

But as time went on, more and more of their followers gradually found their way to us and accepted our doctrine. …

Appeals were then made to the 'class-conscious proletariat' to attend our meetings in masses, and to strike at the representatives of a 'monarchist and reactionary agitaion' with the clenched fist of the proletarian. Our meetings suddenly became packed with workers, fully three-quarters of an hour in advance. [These meetings had an admission fee, unusual for political speakers then and now, which helped greatly in meeting their expenses.-cy] … People came as enemies and, when they left, if not ready to join us, were at least in a reflective mood and thinking critically about the correctness of their own doctrine. Gradually over time, my three-hour lectures resulted in supporters and opponents united into a single mass. … until finally the advocates of the radical tactic won the day. We had to be broken up. Then, after two, three … or ten meetings, it was realized that breaking [the meetings] up was easier said than done. … the other catchword was reintroduced: “Proletarians, comrades! Avoid meetings of the National Socialist agitators!”

The same eterally alternating tactics were also found in the Red press.


We were exceptionally well-informed in regard to these gentlemen's intentions. Not only because we allowed several of our party colleagues to remain members of the Red organizations for reasons of expediency, but also because the Red wire-pullers were afflicted with a degree of talkativeness that is still unfortunately very prevalent among Germans. They couldn't keep their mouths shut, and more often than not started cackling before the egg was laid. ...

7.4 Illegal Police Activity

The times compelled us to take the defense of our meetings into our own hands; one can never depend on the protection of the authorities; on the contrary, experience shows that it always favors only the disturbers. … The moment [the police] were informed of a threat that a meeting was to be broken up, instead of arresting the would-be-disturbers, they promptly advised the innocent parties that the meeting was forbidden. … This step they called a 'precautionary measure for the prevention of illegality.'

The political work and activities of decent people could therefore always be hindered by desperate gangsters. … [We see the very same with Antifa today -cy]

To avoid such eventualities, it was therefore necessary to see to it that every attempt at disturbance was nipped in the bud.

Another feature had to be considered: … Meetings that are only possible with the protective assistance of a strong police force convert no one, because in order to win over the lower strata of the people, there must be a visible display of one's own strength.

7.5 Psychologically Correct Meeting Management

[…] We had in those days 15 or 16 National Socialists against five-, six-, seven-, or eight-hundred opponents. But we tolerated no interference, and the attendees knew that we would rather be beaten to death than capitulate. […]

Those 15 or 20 men would certainly have been overwhelmed in the end, But the others knew that three or four times as many of them would have had their heads bashed, and they weren't willing to chance it.

We had done our best to learn from the Marxist and bourgeois meeting techniques, and learn we did.  [Could be called the Peace Through Strength approach? -cy]

Chapter 7 to be continued ...


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler on Conflict With the Red Front, part Two

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER SEVEN OF VOLUME TWO, pages 217 to 265 of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.

This completes Chapter 7. A lot here for dissidents to learn about a confident attitude and fearless organizing.


7.6 Marxist and Bourgeois Meeting Techniques

The Marxists always exercized the most rigid discipline, and thus the question of breaking up a Marxist meeting could never have originated in the Bourgeoisie. …

Therefore the moment a bourgeois meeting was announced a howl of rage went up from the Red press. …

One simply had to witness such a bourgeois meeting, and see its leaders in all their miserable fear! Very often, such threats were sufficient to call off a meeting at once. … The chairman … did his best … to welcome a visit from men who as yet were not in sympathy with them … also assured them that the meeting had no intention whatsoever of interfering with anyone's professed convictions. No indeed, everyone had the right to form and hold his own political views, as long as others were allowed to do so likewise. He therefore requested … the speaker be allowed to deliver his speech without interruption—the speech wouldn't be long, in any case. …

The brothers on the Left had little if any appreciation for that; before the speaker had even begun, he was shouted down, and not seldom, one had the impression that such speakers were grateful to Fate for quickly ending the painful procedure. …

Therefore, it was something quite new to the Marxist when we National Socialists organized our first meetings. They came to our meetings in the belief that the little game they had so often played could be repeated on us. “Today we'll finish you off!” How often did they boast this to each other upon entering our meeting, only to be thrown out with lightning speed before they had time to repeat it.

In the first place, our meeting committee was entirely different. … We simply stated that we were masters of the meeting, that we would do as we pleased, and that anyone who dared to interrupt would be unceremoniously thrown out. … This in itself astonished them.

7.7 National Socialist Security Troop

Secondly, we had at our disposal a well-organized hall guard—or better, security service—... composed chiefly of young men [who] had been trained and instructed to realize that only terror is capable of smashing terrorthat only courageous and determined men had succeeded in this world, and that we were fighting for an ideal so great and noble that it was worth the last drop of blood. They were trained to realize that the best means of defense was attack, and the reputation of our security troops marked us as a combat group and not a debating club. …

And how eagerly did this youth yearn for such an order! …

Thus it became clear to everyone that the Revolution had only been possible thanks to the disastrous bourgeois leadership of our people.


Already in midsummer of 1920, the organization of security troops was gradually assuming a definite shape, and by the spring of 1921 they were partitioned by hundreds, which in turn were sub-divided into smaller groups.

This was urgently necessary because our meeting activity had steadily increased. … In the autumn and winter of 1920-21, our meetings in the Bürgerbräu and Munich Kindl-Keller had become more massive; NSDAP demonstrations were always overcrowded, so that the police had to close the doors before they even began.

7.8 Old and New Black-Red-Gold

[…] After the War, I was at a Marxist mass-demonstration in Berlin, in front of the Royal Palace and the Lustgarten. A sea of red flags, red scarves, and red flowers was in itself sufficient to give that huge assembly of about 120,000 persons an outward appearance of strength. I could feel and understand how easily the man in the street sucumbs to the hypnotic magic of such a grandiose spectacle.

The Reich was formed without the aid of the German bourgeoisie, and the flag itself was born of the War. Hence it was merely a State flag, possessing no importance in the sense of any particular philosophical mission. …

Until 1920, then, there was no flag to confront Marxism that would have represented its philosohical polar opposite. … At best, [the bourgeoise parties] had in mind a reconstruction of the old Reich.

The black-white-red banner of the old Reich is indebted to this ideal for its resurrection, as the flag of our so-called national bourgeois parties.


Unlike our bourgeois politicians, I've always adopted the standpoint in our movement that it was true good fortune for the German nation to have lost its old flag. … The [Weimar] Reich of today, which sells-out itself and its people, must never be allowed to adopt the honorable and heroic black-white-red colors.

As long as the November outrage endures, let it continue to bear its own external sign and not steal that of an honorable past.

7.9 The National Socialist Flag

[W]e National Socialists recognize that hoisting the old flag would not symbolize our own activity. We had no wish to resurrect the old Reich from the dead, which had been ruined through its own blunders, but to build up a new State.


After innumerable trials, I myself decided upon a final form: a banner of red material with a white disc, and a black swastika in the middle. … Along the same lines, we immediately ordered armbands for our security squad: similar red material with a white disk on a red field, and a swastika in the middle. …

The new flag appeared in public for the first time in midsummer 1920. …

As National Socialists, we see our program in our flag. In red, we see the social ideal of the movement; in white, nationalism; in the swastika, the mission of Aryan humanity to fight for victory, and at the same time, for the victory of the idea of creative work, which has always been anti-Semitic and always will be anti-Semitic.

Two years later, when our security troops had long since grown into storm troops [Sturmabteilung], incorporating many thousands of men, it seemed necessary to give this defensive organization of a young worldview a special symbol of victory: the Standard. I also designed this, and entrusted it to an old party comrade, master goldsmith Herr Gahr. Since then, this Standard has been the distinctive symbol and battle sign of the National Socialist struggle.

7.10 First Meeting in the Circus

… [B]y the winter of 1920-21 we could already be regarded as a strong party in Munich. … The Munich Kindl Keller, which held 5,000 people, was more than once overcrowded, and there was only one other hall that we hadn't yet used; this was the Circus Krone.

At the end of January 1921 there was again great cause for anxiety in Germany. The Paris Agreement, at which Germany pledged to pay the insane sum of a hundred billion gold marks, was to be confirmed in the form of the London Dictate [also known as the London Ultimatum or the London Schedule of Payments]. … A Munich working committee representing so-called folkish groups wanted to call a public meeting of protest. after day went by … the working committee couldn't decide on a definite date …

On Wednesday (2 February 1921) … I lost all patience and decided to conduct a protest demonstration of my own. … [I] hired the Circus Krone for Thursday, 3 February.

… I hired two trucks … had our new flag hoisted on [them] and filled with 15 to 20 party members … to canvas the streets thoroughly.


I arrived at the Circus at 8:02 … The hall was before me, like a huge shell, packed with thousands and thousands of people … More than 5,600 tickets had been sold and, allowing for the unemployed, poor students, and our own security men, there must have been 6,500 present.

My theme was “Future or Downfall'... I spoke for about two and a half hours. ...only when the last word had been spoken did the applause thunder forth, culminating in the “Deutschland” song, sung with the greatest fervor. […]

And to dispel all doubt that the meeting was merely an isolated success, I immediately arranged for another at the Circus for the following week, and again we had the same success. … I decided to hold a third meeting in the same style. And for a third time, the giant Circus was packed full of people, bottom to top. …

The result was an ever-increasing number of supporters and members for our movement.

7.11 An Attempted Disruption

Naturally, such success did not leave our opponents inactive. At first their tactics fluctuated between the use of terror and silence in our regard, but they soon recognized that neither could hinder the progress of our movement. …

It was eventually decided to interrupt one of our meetings planned for the Munich Hofbräuhaus Festsaal, at which I myself was to speak.

On 4 November 1921 … When I arrived in the entrance … at 7:45 pm, the hall was filled, and therefore the police had it closed. Our opponents, who had arrived very early, were in the hall and our followers were for the most part outside. The small SA guard awaited me at the entrance. I … made it clear to the 45 or 46 men that, perhaps on that evening … not one of us would leave the hall unless carried out dead. I was greeted with a triple Heil, which sounded more robust and violent than usual.

I then went into the hall and assessed the situation with my own eyes. Our opponents sat closely huddled together, piercing me with their eyes. … Yet we were able to open the meeting, and I began to speak. … After about an hour and a half … the leaders of the disrupters became more uneasy … suddenly a man jumped on a chair and shouted: “Freedom!” … In a few seconds, the entire hall was filled with a yelling and shrieking mob, above which flew—like howitzers—innumerable beer mugs; amid this uproar, one heard the smash of chair legs, the crashing of mugs, groans, yells, and screams. …

I stood my ground and observed my boys thoroughly doing their duty. …

Like wolves they threw themselves on the enemy again and again, in packs of eight or ten, and began to steadily thrash them out of the hall. After five minutes … hardly one of them wasn't streaming with blood. …

The pandemonium continued for 20 minutes, but then the opponents, who numbered 700 or 800, were mostly dirven from the hall or thrown out headlong by my men, who numbered not even 50. Only in the left corner, a big crowd still held out against our men and put up a bitter fight. Then two pistol shots suddenly rang out from the hall entrance, toward the platform, and now a wild din of shooting broke out.

At that moment it was impossible to identify who had fired the shots; but at any rate I could see that my boys renewed the attack with increased fury, until finally the last disturbers were overcome and driven out of the hall.

About 25 minutes had passed; the hall looked as if a bomb had exploded. Many of my comrades had to be bandaged, and others carried away, but we remained masters of the situation. Hermann Essen, who was chairman this evening, declared: “The meeting will continue. The speaker has the floor.” And so I went on with my speech. …

That evening we learned a lot, and our opponents never forgot the lesson they received.

As of the autumn of 1923, the Münchener Post never again mentioned the fists of the proletariat.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

Adolf Hitler explains why the Strong Man is Mightiest Alone

FROM MEIN KAMPF, CHAPTER EIGHT OF VOLUME TWO, pages 267 to 283 of the Thomas Dalton dual-translation. (See here for series introduction.)


GERMAN PATRIOTIC ASSOCIATIONS, for the purpose of facilitating their work, [may] establish mutual relations … for carrying out common actions … clubs, associations, or parties whose goals and methods are not too far apart. … Here arises a general conviction that such a union is an immense gain in strength, and that previously weak, small groups have now suddenly become strong.

This, however, is mostly false! …

[I]t would be logical to expect that one goal should be fought for by only one association. … One man proclaimd a truth somewhere and, calling for the solution of a definite problem, fixed his goal and founded a movement to realize his view. That's how an association or a party is founded—the scope of its program is either the abolition of existing evils or the establishment of a certain state of affairs in the future.

8.1 A Movement's Right of Priority

Once such a movement has come to life, it possesses a certain practical right of priority. …

The reason why the solution of one definte task is usually not left to one association alone is as follows: In general, every action carried out on a grand style on this Earth is the expression of a longstanding desire in millions of people, a longing silently harbored by many. … [O]ne day, Fate bestows on them a man capable of liberating his people from some great oppression, or of wiping out some bitter distress, or of calming the national soul … thus bringing the long-yearned-for fulfillment.

8.2 The Struggle for Leadership

...[M]any feel themselves called to this task—yes, even that Fate itself has proposed many for the choice, so that, through the free play of forces, the stronger and bolder shall finally be victorious, and will be entrusted with the task of solving the problem. …

The people hold vague desires and have only general opinions, without having any precise notion of their own ideals and desires or how they will be fulfilled. … [M]any men struggle to reach the same objective by different roads, without knowing one another.

These movements, parties, and religious groups originate entirely independently of one another. … Nature herself … leaves these diverse groups to compete with one another … thus choosing the clearest, shortest, and surest way by which a movement attains its goal.

How could the correctness or incorrectness of a path be determined from without, if the forces at hand weren't given free play? [T[he final decision is … entrusted to [the] indisputable logic of visible success—which, in the end, always confirms the ultimate correctness of a course of action! …

This rivalry helps each individual fighter develop his faculties, and humanity frequently owes its progress to the lessons learned from the misfortunes of previous attempts.

8.4 Causes of Folkish Splintering

[A] second cause for the fact that movements of the same characteristics strive along different paths … arises from a sad mixture of envy, jealousy, ambition, and a thievish mentality, which are often found united in single specimens of humanity.

The moment a man arises who profoundly understands the distress of his people and … takes measures to cure it … small and petty minds take notice and eagerly follow [his] activity … A crowd of lazy loiterers will prick up their ears and begin to sniff around for whatever little morsel may lie at the end of that road. …

Certainly the founding of a multitude of new groups, parties, etc. in 1918-19, calling themselves folkish, was a natural development of things for which the founders were not at fault. By 1920 the NSDAP had slowly crystallized from all these parties and become victorious. There could be no better proof of the sterling honesty of certain individual founders than that many of them decided to sacrifice their less successful movements to the stronger—by joining it unconditionally or dissolving their own.

This is espeicially true in regard to Julius Streicher, who at that time was the chief fighter for the German Socialist Party (DSP) in Nuremberg. … As soon, however, as the superior strength and stronger growth of the NSDAP became clear and obvious to him, he gave up his work in the DSP and … called upon his followers to fall into line with the NSDAP. … The decision was as personally difficult as it was profoundly decent.

...What we now call 'folkish splintering' owes its existence exclusively to the second of the two causes that I mentioned: Ambitious men who at first had no ideas—much less any goals—of their own, and felt themselves 'called' exactly at that moment that they saw the undeniable success of the NSDAP. Suddenly programs appeared that were mere copies of ours … and all means were attempted to explain why ... it was necessary to establish these new parties. …

At that time, there wasn't a concept or idea of others that these political kleptomaniacs didn't quickly seize upon for their own new business. Those … were the same people who subsequently, with tears in their eyes, deplored the 'folkish splintering' and spoke inceasingly about the 'need for unity.'

8.5 'Working Federations'

At that time, everyone who couldn't stand on their own feet joined one such working federation, believing that eight cripples hanging on to each other could surely form one gladiator. …

Through the formation of a working federation, weak organizations can never be made strong, whereas a strong organization can and does often become weak. … [E]xperience shows that, under all forms and conditions, the majority represents stupidity and cowardice. … Also, through such a coalition, the free play of forces is paralyzed, the struggle for the selection of the best is abolished … and final victory of the healthier and stronger is always impeded. …

One must never forget that nothing really great in this world has ever been achieved through coalitions, but that it has always been due to the success of a single victor. Coalition successes, due to the very nature of their source, carry the germs of future disintegration—yes, even the loss of what has been achieved. Great, truly world-changing revolutions of a spiritual sort are inconceivable and impossible without titanic struggles between individual natures, but never as coalitional undertakings.


Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf